Politically minded managements of health care clinics in the Republika Srpska hire excess staff and run up debts.
Managers of the State Police Support Agency used official vehicles for private trips to their hometowns in Bužim and Tomislavgrad, even though they were not entitled to do so. Some of these trips were justified with travel orders containing inaccurate information. The positions of director and deputy director were also used for official travel across Europe, Asia, and North and South America.
Husein Nanić, the former director of the Police Support Agency of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), and his deputy Miše Ćavar misused official vehicles for personal travel.
Over eight years, they covered nearly 300,000 kilometers in official cars, traveling to their hometowns in Bužim and Tomislavgrad, despite…
Politically minded managements of health care clinics in the Republika Srpska hire excess staff and run up debts.
A public call for histopathological testing in Sarajevo stipulated that only private clinics could compete. Only one had a license to do this type of analysis.
After Sebija Izetbegović was appointed manager of General Hospital, she outsourced histopathological testing to a private clinic of a friend who did the work for nearly triple the old price.
For nearly 10 years, the Una-Sana Canton Health Care Fund illegally bought drugs from two private firms using taxpayer money.
Firms belonging to current or former Bosnian officials received public procurement contracts worth at least 85 million KM over the a five-year period.
Haden, a Luxembourg investment, arranged a buyout of Bosnalijek’s shares in violation of laws and Sarajevo stock exchange rules.
Two years after Russian investors took over Bosnalijek for 32 million KM their firm went bankrupt, defaulting on as much debt to the Sarajevo factory as they had put down for its acquisition.
The Center for Investigative Reporting in Sarajevo presents the highlights in the career of Esed Radeljaš.
Political party members who sit on school boards in Tuzla Canton are firing principals and appointing party peers in their place.
Last year, government agencies paid out some 31,500 KM in taxpayer money to the organizer of a ceremony for best manager awards, and the awards went to the officials who headed those agencies.
Because of bad business moves by government-owned corporations, local firms pay up to 37 percent more for natural gas than firms from neighboring countries and the EU.
Business partners gave Esed Radeljaš six and a half million KM to get the deals done. He kept the bulk of the money and did not hold his end of the bargain.
Politically minded managements of health care clinics in the Republika Srpska hire excess staff and run up debts.
A public call for histopathological testing in Sarajevo stipulated that only private clinics could compete. Only one had a license to do this type of analysis.
After Sebija Izetbegović was appointed manager of General Hospital, she outsourced histopathological testing to a private clinic of a friend who did the work for nearly triple the old price.
For nearly 10 years, the Una-Sana Canton Health Care Fund illegally bought drugs from two private firms using taxpayer money.
Firms belonging to current or former Bosnian officials received public procurement contracts worth at least 85 million KM over the a five-year period.
Haden, a Luxembourg investment, arranged a buyout of Bosnalijek’s shares in violation of laws and Sarajevo stock exchange rules.
Two years after Russian investors took over Bosnalijek for 32 million KM their firm went bankrupt, defaulting on as much debt to the Sarajevo factory as they had put down for its acquisition.
The Center for Investigative Reporting in Sarajevo presents the highlights in the career of Esed Radeljaš.
Political party members who sit on school boards in Tuzla Canton are firing principals and appointing party peers in their place.
Last year, government agencies paid out some 31,500 KM in taxpayer money to the organizer of a ceremony for best manager awards, and the awards went to the officials who headed those agencies.
Because of bad business moves by government-owned corporations, local firms pay up to 37 percent more for natural gas than firms from neighboring countries and the EU.
Business partners gave Esed Radeljaš six and a half million KM to get the deals done. He kept the bulk of the money and did not hold his end of the bargain.
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